Freedom of speech	Freedom of worship
Freedom from want	Freedom from fear

           Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress:

           I address you, the Members of the Seventy-seventh Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the Union. I use the word "unprecedented," because at no previous time has American security been
           as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

           Since the permanent formation of our Government under the Constitution,
           in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our
           domestic affairs. Fortunately, only one of these – the four-year War
           Between the States – ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank
           God, one hundred and thirty million Americans, in forty-eight States, have
           forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

           It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often had been disturbed by
           events in other Continents. We had even engaged in two wars with
           European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies,
           in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific for the maintenance of American
           rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a
           serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued
           independence.

           What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a
           nation has at all times maintained clear, definite opposition, to any
           attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession
           of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their
           children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part
           of the Americas.

           That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved,
           for example, during the quarter century of wars following the French
           Revolution.

           While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States
           because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and
           while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful
           trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain, nor
           any other nation, was aiming at domination of the whole world.

           In like fashion from 1815 to 1914 – ninety-nine years – no single war in
           Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against
           the future of any other American nation.

           Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to
           establish itself in this Hemisphere; and the strength of the British fleet in
           the Atlantic has been a friendly strength. It is still a friendly strength.

           Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only
           small threat of danger to our own American future. But, as time went on,
           the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic
           nations might mean to our own democracy.

           We need not overemphasize imperfections in the Peace of Versailles. We
           need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world
           reconstruction. We should remember that the Peace of 1919 was far less
           unjust than the kind of "pacification" which began even before Munich, and
           which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to
           spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably
           set their faces against that tyranny.

           Every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment
           being' directly assailed in every part of the world – assailed either by arms,
           or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to
           destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

           During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern
           of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and
           small. The assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations,
           great and small.

           Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to "give to
           the Congress information of the state of the Union," I find it, unhappily,
           necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of
           our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our
           borders.

           Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in
           four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the
           resources of Europe, Asia, Africa and Australasia will be dominated by the
           conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations and their
           resources in those four continents greatly exceeds the sum total of the
           population and the resources of the whole of the Western
           Hemisphere-many times over.

           In times like these it is immature – and incidentally, untrue – for anybody to
           brag that an unprepared America, single-handed, and with one hand tied
           behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

           No realistic American can expect from a dictator's peace international
           generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or
           freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -or even good business.

           Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. "Those,
           who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety,
           deserve neither liberty nor safety."

           As a nation, we may take pride in the fact that we are softhearted; but
           we cannot afford to be soft-headed.

           We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling
           cymbal preach the "ism" of appeasement.

           We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would
           clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.

           I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare
           could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must
           eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.

           There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct
           invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy
           retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British
           Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack
           us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles
           of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

           But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in
           Europe-particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were
           captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

           The first phase of the invasion of this Hemisphere would not be the landing
           of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by
           secret agents and their dupes – and great numbers of them are already
           here, and in Latin America.

           As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive, they – not we – will
           choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

           That is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious
           danger.

           That is why this Annual Message to the Congress is unique in our history.

           That is why every member of the Executive Branch of the Government and
           every member of the Congress faces great responsibility and great
           accountability.

           The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be
           devoted primarily-almost exclusively – to meeting this foreign peril. For all
           our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

           Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent
           respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our
           gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent
           respect for the rights and dignity of all nations, large and small. And the
           justice of morality must and will win in the end.

           Our national policy is this:

           First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
           partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

           Second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard
           to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute
           peoples, everywhere, who are resisting aggression and are thereby
           keeping war away from our Hemisphere. By this support, we express our
           determination that the democratic cause shall prevail; and we strengthen
           the defense and the security of our own nation.

           Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to
           partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of
           morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to
           acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers.
           We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other
           people's freedom.

           In the recent national election there was no substantial difference
           between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue
           was fought out on this line before the American electorate. Today it is
           abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and
           supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

           Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our
           armament production.

           Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of
           speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead
           of time; in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight
           but not serious delays; and in some cases – and I am sorry to say very
           important cases – we are all concerned by the slowness of the
           accomplishment of our plans.

           The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the
           past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of
           production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough
           for tomorrow.

           I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of
           the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism.
           They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be
           satisfied until the job is done.

           No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our
           objective is quicker and better results. To give you two illustrations:

           We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes; we are working
           day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

           We are ahead of schedule in building warships but we are working to get
           even further ahead of that schedule.

           To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of
           implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war
           is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the
           program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, and
           new ship ways must first be constructed before the actual materiel begins
           to flow steadily and speedily from them.

           The Congress, of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of
           the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the
           Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own
           security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs
           be kept in confidence.

           New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I
           shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and
           authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

           I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to
           manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be
           turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor
           nations.

           Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well
           as for ourselves. They do not need man power, but they do need billions
           of dollars worth of the weapons of defense.

           The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready
           cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender,
           merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know
           they must have.

           I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to
           pay for these weapons – a loan to be repaid in dollars.

           I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to
           obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own
           program. Nearly all their materiel would, if the time ever came, be useful
           for our own defense.

           Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is
           best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept
           here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who by their
           determined and heroic resistance are giving us time in which to make
           ready our own defense.

           For what we send abroad, we shall be repaid within a reasonable time
           following the close of hostilities, in similar materials, or, at our option, in
           other goods of many kinds, which they can produce and which we need.

           Let us say to the democracies: "We Americans are vitally concerned in
           your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources
           and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain
           a free world. We shall send you, in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes,
           tanks, guns. This is our purpose and our pledge."

           In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of
           dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act
           of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression.
           Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally
           proclaim it so to be.

           When the dictators, if the dictators, are ready to make war upon us, they
           will not wait for an act of war on our part. They did not wait for Norway or
           Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war.

           Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks
           mutuality in its observance, and, therefore, becomes an instrument of
           oppression.

           The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend upon
           how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can
           tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be
           called upon to meet. The Nation's hands must not be tied when the
           Nation's life is in danger.

           We must all prepare to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as
           serious as war itself – demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and
           efficiency in defense preparations must give way to the national need.

           A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A
           free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and
           of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other
           groups but within their own groups.

           The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our
           midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and, if that fails, to
           use the sovereignty of Government to save Government.

           As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone.
           Those who man our defenses, and those behind them who build our
           defenses, must have the stamina and the courage which come from
           unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The
           mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all
           things worth fighting for.

           The Nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things
           which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual
           stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have
           toughened the fibre of our people, have renewed their faith and
           strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

           Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and
           economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which
           is today a supreme factor in the world.

           For there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and
           strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their
           political and economic systems are simple. They are:

           Equality of opportunity for youth and for others.
           Jobs for those who can work.
           Security for those who need it.
           The ending of special privilege for the few.
           The preservation of civil liberties for all.

           The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly
           rising standard of living.

           These are the simple, basic things that must never be lost sight of in the
           turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and
           abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon
           the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

           Many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate
           improvement.

           As examples:

           We should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and
           unemployment insurance.

           We should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

           We should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing
           gainful employment may obtain it.

           I have called for personal sacrifice. I am assured of the willingness of
           almost all Americans to respond to that call.

           A part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. In my
           Budget Message I shall recommend that a greater portion of this great
           defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying today. No
           person should try, or be allowed, to get rich out of this program; and the
           principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be
           constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

           If the Congress maintains these principles, the voters, putting patriotism
           ahead of pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

           In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a
           world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

           The first is freedom of speech and expression – everywhere in the world.

           The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own
           way – everywhere in the world.

           The third is freedom from want – which, translated into world terms, means
           economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy
           peacetime life for its inhabitants – everywhere in the world.

           The fourth is freedom from fear – which, translated into world terms,
           means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a
           thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of
           physical aggression against any neighbor – anywhere in the world.

           That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of
           world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the
           very antithesis of the so-called new order of tyranny which the dictators
           seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

           To that new order we oppose the greater conception – the moral order. A
           good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign
           revolutions alike without fear.

           Since the beginning of our American history, we have been engaged in
           change – in a perpetual peaceful revolution – a revolution which goes on
           steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions – without the
           concentration camp or the quick-lime in the ditch. The world order which
           we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a
           friendly, civilized society.

           This nation has placed its destiny in the hands and heads and hearts of its
           millions of free men and women; and its faith in freedom under the
           guidance of God. Freedom means the supremacy of human rights
           everywhere. Our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights
           or keep them. Our strength is our unity of purpose. To that high concept
           there can be no end save victory.